Alison Stewart: This is All Of It on WNYC. I'm Alison Stewart. The Oscar nominations are due out tomorrow. It's very exciting. I know people have called for award shows to be canceled due to the LA wildfires, but so many people make their money during award season, the hairdressers, the limo drivers, and so I say let's cheer the award shows on because they employ so many people and because there're really good movies this year.

Now, here's the thing, I'm taking tomorrow off because I'm working this weekend, you know, self-care, doctor's orders, all that, but I may call into the segment hosted by David Furst and Keep It's Louis Virtel because the Oscar nominations are being announced tomorrow. Now that's in the future. Let's get this hour started with the story of the first and last king of Haiti.

On June 2, 1811, Henry Christophe was crowned king of Haiti. He was a general during the successful Haitian revolution against France, who rose to power through a series of military conflicts and assassination and civil war. As king, Christophe built himself a massive fort, created a system of nobility, and instituted reforms across Haiti. For some, he was the future. For others, he represented a return to despotism. Author and Yale professor Marlene L. Daut looks at the complicated, often conflicting life of Christophe in a new biography called The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. Marlene, welcome to All Of It.

Marlene L. Daut: Thank you so much for having me.

Alison Stewart: You note that many of the sources for people who wrote about Christophe, they wrote about him in terrible, terrible ways. How did you sort through the bias, separate fact from fiction when going through sources?

Marlene L. Daut: Yes, that is a great question because when I first began to approach understanding Christophe's life, I found that not only were most of the representations demonizations of him, but there were a plethora of fictional sources as well that created all kinds of lore and mythology around him. For example, the idea that he was that he shot himself with a silver bullet like he were a werewolf or something. So I did have to not only just separate the biases and ideological strivings that were often evident, since most of the writings were from the 19th century. I just separate that from also the purely fictional made-up accounts and then from there try to get to the heart of who he really was by really going back to sources he created and left behind, his letters and the documents produced in his kingdom.

Alison Stewart: Yes, I was going to ask, did he leave behind any writings of his own?

Marlene L. Daut: He did. He Left behind actually a voluminous number of writings because he was a general. And so during the period of the Haitian Revolution, or what becomes the Haitian Revolution, but during French occupation, he's technically a French general, so he corresponds with people who are his subordinates, and he corresponds with people who are higher in the chain of command than he is. French officials and the French kept most of this documentation, and so we can find it in their archives.

Then, of course, he becomes very important. Under Haiti's founder, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, he rises to the position of general-in-chief of the Haitian army, and so he's running things and writes a lot of letters. And of course, as king now, he's writing even more letters as he directs this kingdom and sets it up.

Alison Stewart: What did you get of his manner in these letters?

Marlene L. Daut: It changes over time. I find that when he's first starting out and he's a commander, not a general yet, he is very deferent. He says, "Your good general," he's using official language, he asks for permission for things, but as he grows in the ranks, he becomes a lot more confident, and he becomes a bit more defensive. He's less willing to take ownership of faults. If one of his superior officers points out a fault, he'll often defend himself and provide evidence. This is something that would become characteristic of him even later, that he liked to keep documents, and this is one reason I think we have so much of his writing, is that he knew that he could be accused of things, blamed for things, and so he kept a lot of documentation, and then he would show it to superior officers to say, "No, I didn't do that. That's not what happened."

Alison Stewart: My guest is Marlene L. Daut, Yale professor and author of the new biography, The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. I should have asked you, may I call you Marlene, or would you prefer Professor Daut?

Marlene L. Daut: Oh, sure. Yes, Marlene.

Alison Stewart: Okay. There are questions over when Christophe was born, exactly where he was born. What's the truth that you can tell, the best that you can tell?

Marlene L. Daut: Yes. So again, I felt that the answer to these questions was hiding in plain sight. For example, Christophe, in his kingdom, he ordered royal almanacs to be published every year, so there are six different versions from 1814 until 1820. In the beginning of each of these almanacs, it gives us the King's birthday, October 6th, 1767. It gives us his wife's birth date, the birth dates of his children, the date of their marriage, birth dates for their nephews and the brother of the queen.

Then Christophe appointed a man named Baron de Vastey as his official court historian, and in 1819, Baron de Vastey wrote a history of the island, the first full-length history to be published by a Haitian. In that document, he reiterates the king's birthday and tells us that Christophe is a native of the island of Granada, which was a British colony when Christophe was born, and tells us, confirms that Christophe participated in the American Revolutionary War at the Battle of Savannah when he was only 12 years old.

Alison Stewart: Was he born enslaved?

Marlene L. Daut: This is a bit of a mystery. We think so. There are sources, people who knew him, who say that he was, but we don't have direct evidence, any of the ledgers from the plantation, for example. But it stands to reason that since Granada was an island that didn't have a lot of free people of Color on it, that it's most likely that Christophe was enslaved at birth, and then went to Savannah, and then to Saint-Domingue, where he gained freedom at some point.

Alison Stewart: Did Haitians view his view him as an outsider?

Marlene L. Daut: This is an interesting question, because some of them did. We've mentioned that Christophe was king, but he was actually only king of Northern Haiti, because during his reign, Haiti is experiencing a civil war and Christophe's rival, a general who also fought in the Haitian Revolution named Alexandre Pétion has become president over the Southern Republic of Haiti, which is seated in Portugal, Port-au-Prince, and Christophe is seated in Cap-Haïtien, up in the north.

So the Southerners, in their war of words with the kingdom, will often point out Christophe is not even a Haitian. They'll say things like, "That is the reason that he reigns destruction down on the island of Haiti, because he's not one of us." This became for them a way to further defame him and to try to delegitimate his rule.

Alison Stewart: Let's roll back a little bit and talk about how he had a rise to power. It happened during the Haitian Revolution. First of all, how did he become a trusted general under Toussaint Louverture, the leader of the Haitian victory over the French?

Marlene L. Daut: His rise to general is pretty astonishing. The Haitian Revolution begins formally in August 1791. There is a huge fire in what at that time was called Cap-Français, which becomes Cap-Haïtien in June 1793. At this moment, Christophe had been imprisoned. We don't Know exactly why. He doesn't say exactly why in his letter. Christophe gains his freedom by helping the French out, but by December 1793, he is detained again in the barracks for having misrepresented his relationship to the French commissioners. But from December 1793 to December 1794, he becomes a powerful, important businessman who has a lot of money and is given responsibilities, and from there, he's only on the rise.

He eventually gets command over a city called Petite Anse under Toussaint Louverture. He becomes extremely trusted. They become friends and then he gets-- Toussaint promotes him to general. It's through that friendship and relationship that he also sees his extraordinary rise.

Alison Stewart: What made Christophe a good military commander?

Marlene L. Daut: Well, and this is one of those things, again, it depends on who you ask. Toussaint Louverture always defended him, but some of the French commissioners, who are a little bit at odds with Toussaint Louverture at times, because he has a lot of power, and they don't like that, and these are white French commissioners, and so they'll complain about what Christophe is doing. They'll say, "Oh, he's got this entourage around him, and they convince him to steal money, and hoard money, and punish people arbitrarily." But again, because Christophe kept a lot of documentation and testimony, he would put forward people who were fighting alongside him and say, "No, these people were traitors to the French Republic," because, remember, France is still in charge.

He would say-- and they will tell you, these people were trying to overthrow the government or they were engaged in some form of sedition, and that's why Christophe punished them. And so some of the French commissioners would dispute the idea that he was a good commander and leader, but certainly, Toussaint Louverture thought so, and obviously, Jean Jacques Dessalines did as well, because he makes him, in the period of independence, general-in-chief of the army.

Alison Stewart: Well, Jean Jacques Dessalines becomes emperor of Haiti post-revolution. He was assassinated, I think, in 1806?

Marlene L. Daut: Yes.

Alison Stewart: Christophe was part of that?

Marlene L. Daut: Another part of the book that I sort of take readers through, Christophe's day. There are parts of the plot that Christophe potentially, potentially knew about, but the big question is whether he knew about the assassination. By following his day and the voluminous number of letters that he sent two days after the assassination, when he learned of it, he seems pretty surprised, and he is desperately trying to gather information.

So it seems to me that he were in on any sort of plot to effectuate a coup d'etat for example, it doesn't seem like he expected it to end in assassination or had any role in that. Again, still an open question, but I think the preponderance of evidence suggests that he really didn't know about the assassination until, again, two days afterward.

Alison Stewart: My guest is Marlene L. Daut. She's a Yale professor and author of the new biography, The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. After the break, we'll find out why he is the first and last king of Haiti.

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Alison Stewart: This is All Of It on WNYC. I'm Alison Stewart. My guest is Marlene L. Daut, Yale professor and author of the new biography, The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. Haiti had an emperor. How did Christophe wind up being king?

Marlene L. Daut: Yes. It's very common for people to say Haiti was the first Black republic in the new world, which is true, but not until 1806/1807 because after January 1st, 1804, Haitian Independence Day, pretty quickly after that, Dessalines, who is in charge becomes Emperor Jacques I, but after his assassination in October 1806, the counselors of state, this kind of council forms and comes together and they try to decide what's the best method of governing Haiti in the wake of the emperor's assassination. The southerners want to create a republic, but Christophe disagrees with this and this is actually what starts the civil war.

Christophe flees to the north and sets up a separate state. Initially, Christophe takes the title Generalissimo and President of the Forces of the Earth and Seas of the State of Haiti, a very modest title, of course. So he is ruling us as president and generalissimo for four years at the same time as Petion is ruling as president but of the republic, and Christophe, importantly calls the north a state. But in March 1811, Christophe's councilors of state got together to reform the constitution, and they nominated Christophe to the position of king, and he accepted. So another common thing people will say is he made himself king, but it's technically not true. He actually is nominated to the position, and then he accepts it and is crowned on June 2nd, 1811.

Alison Stewart: His power was this massive palace and citadel and fort that he constructed. It's up in the mountains. I read somewhere it's like the largest standing fort in the west. First of all, why would he put it in the mountains?

Marlene L. Daut: Yes, so this was a tactic left over from the days of the revolution. The initial freedom fighters, the formerly enslaved population when they begin to rebel, they know the mountains very well, and so they'll often retreat. The French soldiers, and then eventually the British and Spanish soldiers who are pursuing them don't really know this terrain, and they are fearful of it because there's a lot of places to hide in forests and in mountains, and they're not used to this level of warfare.

When Dessalines was emperor, he instructed the military and workers to build and fortify a number of forts around the country and Christophe accelerated this work after Dessalines' death, and he expanded the citadel, which is high up on a mountain peak. You have to wind up a 35-degree angle on a donkey to get there today, but it is worth it if you ever have the opportunity, and it was vast like a city. It was meant to house enough food and weapons for 30,000 people to protect them in case the French ever came back to try to retake their colony. And it wasn't just paranoia, because the French did try throughout Christophe's reign.

Alison Stewart: This is a weird question, but was it a home or was it simply a war fort?

Marlene L. Daut: It was also a home. One of the things I talk about in the book is Christophe had a separate palace up at the citadel, and you can tell from his letters that he spent a lot of time there with his wife and his three remaining children with her. He also had another son from a previous relationship, and they're all up there, and he talks about them, and he sets up a schooling system up there, so there are other people living there as well. So he spends quite a bit of time there, in addition to the palace that he has in a little tiny hamlet called Milot. The palace is called the Palais de Sans-Souci, which means without worry in French. Those are the two main locations where he spent most of his time.

Alison Stewart: You've been able to tell us so much information about him. What is something that people might know about him that is truly false?

Marlene L. Daut: There were a lot of rumors, again, about the silver bullet, which is false. No extant documentation suggests that Christophe killed himself with a silver bullet. Another piece of information is the idea that Christophe was born on the Island of Saint Kitts, also called Saint Christopher, and that that's where he got his name. Again, he was born on the Island of Granada, according to documentation that he commissioned to be foretold or told about his life, and according to people who knew him, including someone who potentially knew him on the Island of Granada.

I would say the last thing is there was a rumor that Christophe and a stereotype really couldn't read or write, and yet here I am referencing all of these letters he wrote, and in fact, his direct correspondence with British abolitionists like Thomas Clarkson and William Wilberforce undercuts that idea. Especially one letter Christophe wrote to Wilberforce in which he said, "By the way, if it's easier for you, you can write to me in English because I know how to understand, and speak, and read, and write English, and we can correspond in English." Of course, Wilberforce, wanting to be very cultured, said, "No, that's okay. We can continue to convers verse in French."

Alison Stewart: Well, what do we know about how the Haitian people felt about Christophe while he was in power?

Marlene L. Daut: Christophe had a printing press up at the palace in Sans-Souci, and they produced regular newspapers, which are amazing sources for life in the kingdom. But because it's a state-run press, they're not really amazing sources for, for everybody's life in the kingdom, for the people. For example, the way the people of Haiti appear in these papers is as people who are very excited constantly about their king. So you'll see, "Vive Henri, Vive la Roi, Vive la Reine, Vive la familie Royale," long live the royal family, and you don't get any criticism because, of course, that is not allowed.

But after Christophe's death, rival newspapers, so again, it's important to point that out, mostly from the south, started publishing exposés from people who claimed to have lived in the north under Christophe's rule, and they talked about how the labor that they had to perform, in some cases that they were forced to perform to build the citadel, to repair the citadel after it was struck by lightning, that it was harsh. That women walked up barefoot to the citadel carrying things, would collapse, had no water, and that at that same time, Christophe is having parties and living this life of abundance. So they seemed, some of them, dismayed and were willing to talk about it after the fact.

Alison Stewart: Was King Christophe recognized by other leaders around the world?

Marlene L. Daut: Yes and no. Not officially. Christophe wanted official recognition for Haiti, which no other nation, including Great Britain, which was Haiti's greatest trading partner, was willing to offer them because they were afraid of Napoleon Bonaparte, and then when the Bourbon Restoration happens, they're afraid of the French kings, the world is constantly at war, the European world, with each other, and so they're trying to do everything to prevent more wars. They also want to punish Haiti and prevent the example of the Haitian Revolution and freedom after slavery from spreading.

So Christophe, only indirectly is able to correspond with other foreign leaders through agents he hires, and mostly for the purposes of trade. In the background, they're talking about how much they want recognition, but in their public documents, in their newspapers, the kingdom of Haiti and its writers claim that any nation that has traded with Haiti has already de facto recognized Haitian independence, so that would be not just Great Britain, but also the United States.

Alison Stewart: When did Christophe's power begin to unravel?

Marlene L. Daut: Christophe suffered a stroke in August 1820 at a church in Limonade, so he was not home. I think that's important also because he's convalescing in this spot that's not right next door to the kingdom, and so he's unaware of what's going on because he's a bit removed, both physically and mentally from the rest of the nobles. In his absence, a conspiracy forms against him, but those conspirators don't seem to have anticipated that Christophe might get better. Part of the reason for that is the kingdom is not very forthcoming with this information.

Now, the church had people in it, however, so you can imagine that rumors are flying. What happened to the king? Is he still alive? So when Christophe returns to his palace in September of that year, the conspiracy is kind of already too far, too deep to really be stopped, but he doesn't know about it. By the time he gets true wind of how vast the conspiracy is, it's too late. Every time he sends troops that first week of October to stop the advance of southern troops that are coming to aid and assist in this conspiracy, they usually ended up defecting. And for the first time, in the streets of the Kingdom of Haiti could be heard, "Vive la Republique," long live the republic. This is something that would have gotten someone executed previously, and now this is the sound that's in the streets.

Alison Stewart: Christophe died by suicide. What do you think of his legacy in Haiti today, given what's going on there?

Marlene L. Daut: His legacy is a complicated one, an interesting one, but also an instructive one. As I mentioned, Christophe really wanted recognition from the other world powers, but he wasn't willing to compromise Haitian sovereignty to get it. That question of the indemnity that Haiti was forced to pay France as the price of recognition, the initial amount was ₣150 million. This was floated in Christophe's era, and he directed his ministers to use one word to shoot it down, and that word was inadmissible. It was only after Christophe's death when his successor, a man named Jean-Pierre Boyer, who had replaced Petion, who had died. When he comes to power, he really wants to negotiate, and he makes a number of compromises without fully saying Haiti can be a colony of France.

That's the limit but in 1825, he's the one who signs that disastrous indemnity that Christophe was adamantly against, and this really set Haiti onto a path of debt dependence and lack of infrastructure development.

Alison Stewart: The name of the book is The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. It's by Marlene L. Daut, Yale professor. Thank you so much for being with us.

Marlene L. Daut: Thank you so much for having me.